Talking to members of the KPÖ can be exhausting; any time one speaks positively about Stalin or AES, one is met with criticism. In my experience, the Communist Party is a mix of different camps, and while there is a small group of anti-German scum who are pro-Israel, this is fortunately a very limited faction.

The KPÖ in Styria, however, differs notably from the broader organization. I think 2004, the Styrian KPÖ diverged from the rest of the party to some extent, due to ideological differences, for instance, on the EU. Though recent election campaigns have shown improved unity. Politically, I find the Styrian KPÖ to be more based compared to, for example, the Vienna branch, and it is also centralized in its operations, differently from the Vienna branch, as it depends on large part on the initiative of individual members, which is the case for most KPÖ organisations.

The National Council election campaign and results showcase a few other flaws within the KPÖ, namely, that it is social democratic, as it stands. If you look at the KPÖ election program, you’ll notice the absence of a clear class standpoint. While they critique “excess profits,” they fail to address the root causes behind these issues. Also, the party’s national focus on housing, though regionally relevant (such as in Vienna), was a really stupid choice for a primary campaign issue on the national stage. This explains why only 18% of KPÖ voters supported the party based on its program, while the radical right-wing FPÖ gained 60% of its voters specifically because of its program, first and foremost its position on migration.

In Vienna, KPÖ chose to run with a left-liberal party called LINKS, because they feared that they may not get enough votes. This decision, made by a few long-time members without broader consultation, was widely criticized and has since been viewed as a mistake by, I’d say, most members, not however those that made the choice, mind you. Additionally, the KPÖ simply doesn’t have any implementation of Criticism and Self-Criticism, which makes identifying and correcting errors within the party challenging.

It is worth noting that the KPÖ was once Austria’s wealthiest party, benefiting from the economy of the GDR, including profits from Turmöl, which flowed in a big part to the KPÖ. After the fall of socialism, Germany pursued lawsuits against the KPÖ, claiming that KPÖ’s assets were German property. These legal battles continued until relatively recently, forcing the KPÖ to sell significant land and property to cover the legal costs. I think one has to take that into account.

On a positive note, the faction pushing to remove “communist” from the party name has essentially disappeared. While very few older members may still harbor this view, it’s no longer taken seriously, they’re essentially dying out.

Despite the challenges posed by the diverse nature of the KPÖ, we Marxist-Leninists find an opportunity here. The KPÖ is currently quite malleable, and there is a chance to reshape it into a genuine workers’ party. I personally believe this transformation is achievable. At one point, an attempt was made to create an alternative to the Communist Party of Austria by forming the PdA, the Partei der Arbeit. This failed, however, because the PdA became dogmatic.

To answer your question more directly now, IMO the “bad takes” stem from its ideological fragmentation, historical compromises, and a lack of strong Marxist-Leninist principles guiding its decisions. The party’s structure is loosely centralized, and different branches exhibit varying political directions, which weakens overall cohesion and leads to inconsistent stances. This has led to policies and alliances, such as those with left-liberal groups, that compromise a strong class-based foundation. To add insult to injury, the absence of Criticism and Self-Criticism within the KPÖ stifles internal growth and ideological clarity.